EU’s Sanctions Meet a Changing World

By Nina Bachkatov

A few hours before heading off for the summer break, EU ambassadors finally agreed on the 21st package of sanctions against Russia. The negotiations were difficult, reflecting an increasingly simple reality: after more than a decade of sanctions, new targets are becoming harder to find. But European policymakers remain convinced that sanctions are steadily eroding Russia’s capacity to wage war.

The first lists, adopted in 2014, were sometimes riddled with errors, including deceased individuals and confused patronymics. Today, Brussels relies on far more sophisticated intelligence and the net has widened dramatically, targeting relatives, subsidiaries, minority shareholders and companies supplying dual-use components. Yet after twenty-one packages, agreeing on fresh measures has become increasingly contentious. Many proposals originate in Ukraine—from ntelligence services, think tanks or lobbying networks—but translating them into legally robust and politically acceptable sanctions is becoming ever more difficult.

The first problem is timing. On the very day the EU agreed to keep the price cap on Russian oil exports to $44 a barrel, global oil prices climbed to $100. Such measures inevitably lose much of their intended impact when markets move faster than policymakers.

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Nato’s Russian Doll Summit

By Nina Bachkatov

A few days after the 7–8 July Nato summit, one conclusion stands out: it was not really a single event but a collection of parallel interpretations. President Trump saw it through the lens of leverage, burden-sharing and personal diplomacy; Nato general secretary Rutte and European leaders was it as an exercise in preserving transatlantic unity; president Erdogan saw an opportunity for Turkey’s defence industry and strategic influence; president Zelensky and parts of the Ukrainian security establishment saw momentum for escalation and pressure on Moscow; Russian leaders interpreted the same developments as evidence of a Western confrontation with Russia.

For weeks, Nato Secretary-General Mark Rutte had worked to keep President Donald Trump on board, whatever the cost. That meant accepting the principle of raising defence spending to 5 per cent of GDP, alongside tens of billions in additional support for Ukraine. Yet Trump arrived at the summit in a combative mood. He berated Iran, criticised allies that had failed to support the US-Israeli campaign, rebuked Denmark over Greenland and Spain over its defence spending, while barely mentioning Ukraine. To underline his detachment, he declared that he had attended largely because President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan would be there. Every gesture, every smile and every remark was scrutinised for its geopolitical significance.

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