By Nina Bachkatov and Romain Constantin
When Russia’s communications regulator Roskomnadzor ordered restrictions on WhatsApp and Telegram calls on 13 August 2025, it marked a new escalation in the state’s long campaign to bring foreign tech platforms to heel. The move targeted Russia’s two most popular messaging services – used by 57 and 46 per cent of the population respectively – and followed weeks of speculation in Moscow’s political circles.
Authorities framed the decision as a step against online fraud, which cost individuals and businesses an estimated 169 billion roubles ($2bn) in the first eleven months of 2024. Yet, the justification appears tenuous: according to the Foundation for Public Opinion (FOM), 60 per cent of scams in Russia occur via ordinary phone calls; social media and messengers account for just 14 per cent.
Critics see a broader political motive behind the restrictions. Anton Nemkin, a member of the State Duma’s Information Policy Committee, has repeatedly criticised WhatsApp for failing to localise its servers in Russia, in breach of domestic data laws, and has been calling for restrictions on the platform.
The cat-and-mouse game
The latest curbs continue a pattern that began nearly a decade ago. LinkedIn was the first major platform to be blocked in 2016 for non-compliance with data localisation rules. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the list expanded significantly. Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, later rebranded as X, were banned and Meta was declared an “extremist organisation” after temporarily relaxing rules on alleged anti-Russian content.
Even TikTok, the Chinese-owned platform, was not spared, with Russian users restricted to domestically produced content. These bans have hit particularly the younger generation who grew up with it, but also senior officials. Dmitri Medvedev, former president and current deputy chairman of the Security Council, continues to post provocatively on X.
Each state restrictions triggered a surge in the use of VPNs (Virtual Private Networks), tools that allow users to evade censorship by routing connections through foreign servers. Between 2022 and 2023, VPNs use in Russia rose by 40 per cent. Authorities soon struck back to close this loophole: VNPs’ online advertising was banned and accessing “extremist content” – including blocked platforms – became punishable by fines of up to 5,000 rubles ($60). Digital Development Minister Maksut Shadaev insisted that “ordinary users will not be affected.” In practice, the measures have chilled online behaviour: most Russians avoid VPNs altogether, wary of surveillance and penalties.
The dual strategy
Analysts say Moscow’s strategy serves twin purposes: restricting access to foreign platforms and nurturing domestic technology. The Kremlin frames the restrictions as defensive measures in an “information war” with the West seeking to destabilise Russia from within. The second objective reflects a broader policy of technological sovereignty that has been in place since 2014.
Under the doctrine of importozameshchenie – import substitution – Russia has successfully reshaped several key sectors, from finance to entertainment. The System for Transfer of Financial Messages (SPFS), the Russian alternative to SWIFT, which now handles nearly all domestic banking transactions, has shielded everyday payments from the impact of Western sanctions. Additionally, local streaming and gaming services have replaced their Western counterparts.
This latest entrant in the ecosystem is Max, a government-backed messaging app launched by VK, Russia’s homegrown social media giant, in March 2025. From 1 September, installation of Max became mandatory on all devices sold in Russia – just weeks after WhatsApp and Telegram were restricted. The app has quickly gained millions of users, helped by official promotion and the vacuum left by its rivals.
Yet, many Russians remain sceptical. Max’s integration into state IT systems – allowing users to pay bills or sign documents directly via the app – requires compliance with security service regulations. This effectively removes anonymity: users must authenticate through the government ID platform, and the FSB may gain access to communications.
A delicate balance
Public reaction reflects this unease. In a September survey by FOM, 49 per cent of Russians responded negatively to the restrictions on WhatsApp and Telegram. Small protests erupted in several cities, while some users opted to keep Max on a separate smartphone to limit exposure to surveillance.
The Kremlin presents those steps as a way to protect citizens from external manipulation. But, unlike Western sanctions, which have often rallied domestic support, the state’s self-imposed digital isolation may be eroding public trust.
For now, the Kremlin maintains that competition will continue. Presidential spokesman Dmitri Peskov, said that Whatsapp and Telegram should remain accessible to ensure competition with Max. Whether these platforms can coexist with Max or, whether they will face the same fate as Facebook and Instagram, will show the Kremlin’s determination to pursue its digital sovereignty and test how far it can go before it further isolates its own citizens.